Secret doctrine no gijiroku (Japanese Edition)

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Alexa Actionable Analytics for the Web. Sell on Amazon Start a Selling Account. For this and economic reasons, Abe travelled extensively and became the Prime Minister with the highest number of states visited on official diplomatic missions, hitting the record of 49 countries visited by September Yet, the Ukrainian crisis forced Japan to side with the U. It did so, however, with much limited enthusiasm, leaving the door for a landmark agreement still ajar. After all, in the regional presence of the Chinese economy, both as an investor and as a trading state, had risen to formidable levels.

At any rate Tokyo was already making a strategic use of its ODA policy, by targeting key regional Middle Income Economies and providing yen loans for constabulary equipment. In Japan will provide the Philippines and Vietnam, two states that faced heated standoffs with China over disputed islands in the South China Sea, with Japanese patrol boats, already agreed to be funded from the ODA budget.

Its first pillar consisted in the restoration of strong coordination and cohesion with its U. The U. In early U. Thus, the U. Preliminary reports also speculated that the new U. Thus, while bogged down with the Ukraine crisis, the Obama administration was signaling its resolve to maintain stability in East Asia, in particular by providing incentives for the more active involvement of its security partners, such as Japan and Australia.

The latter demonstrated proactive leadership and interest in joining Japan under the new conservative government of Prime Minister Tony Abbott. NSC, Michael Green confirmed that Washington was in charge of the arranged-marriage omiai between Australia and Japan back in the mids. Security cooperation began between rotational Australian troops in charge of protecting relief JSDF operations in Iraq. Subsequently, the Australian government decided to build a security partnership with Japan under the leadership of Andrew Shearer, foreign policy advisor to then Prime Minister John Howard.

They understood the merits of not taking sides in the mounting Sino-Japanese dispute. In all likelihood, the further deepening of the Japan-Australia security partnership under the Abbott and Abe administrations, presented the same dynamics recounted above: active U. This was another fascinating example of history repeating itself, not least because of the presence of the very same Japanese foreign policy executive.

The strategic partnership between Japan and Australia was repeatedly stated to be born out of shared values. Your country was built on principles. It did not matter that these principled claims meant condoning self-serving double standards, such as the U. Yet, Tokyo was able to retain its tariffs on frozen and chilled beef around a favorable twenty percent level and obtain tariff elimination on automobiles exported to the Australian market.

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The Abbott government also opened up the possibility of Australia taking part in sea-borne tracking and intercepting operations through its ballistic missile capabilities. He certainly aimed at dispelling fears of a revisionist Japan in the eyes of Australian public opinion. Quite the opposite as Japan and China continued to engage in heated reciprocal accusations.

They respond by insisting on the righteousness of their position over the territorial row and by intensifying their negative campaigns against the other, thus, fostering a vicious circle of mutually reinforcing antagonistic criticism. This process is fuelled by the Realist logic that the standoff depended first and foremost on building up domestic resolve against the opposing state.

At the same time, the Japanese and Chinese governments sought international support that would reverberate with their respective domestic audiences. Indeed, inflammatory Sino-Japanese public diplomacy characterized from its inception. This campaign aimed at denouncing the dangers of a militarist and revisionist Japan that acted in defiance of the world order created after the victorious war against fascism.

By early February, as many as 73 Chinese ambassadors had already penned editorials or granted interviews along the above lines, inviting stern Japanese rebuttals, and counter-criticism in favor of Japan at a global level: from the United Kingdom to the Republic of Fiji!

Recent original scholarship has pointed to the spiraling nature of discursive animosity between the Chinese and Japanese governments. Thus, I contend that the diffusion of negative discourses is symptomatic of Sino-Japanese friction rather than an underlying cause of the same. Importantly, the flaring up of the Japan-China battle for the sympathies of informed public opinion in turn cemented novel domestic institutions, which echoed the chorus of voices from the government and media organs lamenting Chinese behavior.

This section will provide evidence from to substantiate this novel insight, with specific reference to Japan. I argue that the Japanese government devised novel strategies in reaction to Chinese propaganda warfare and assertive behavior, in turn shaping the politics of Japan. This chapter provides extensive empirical evidence that substantiates this original framework to better understand developments in this fascinating, if worrisome, aspect of Sino-Japanese relations.

In fact, the Japanese government carefully avoided naming China, not unlike the fictional Lord Voldemort, whose name should never be proffered. Both governments were active in constructing the above-mentioned converging negative images, albeit with important differences. On December 13, Xi Jinping became the first Chinese President to publicly commemorate the brutal events at the hands of the Japanese occupiers in Nanjing.

Less noticed, the Chinese central and local governments re-opened historical wounds that did not previously figure in the state-sanctioned narrative of the second Sino-Japanese war. The Beijing district court agreed in to hear denunciations and petitions that had been rebuffed for decades. These domestic dynamics, undertaken both at the national and local level, contributed to crystallizing domestic antipathy against Japan. The existent academic literature fails to analyze the politics, intricate institutional webs and decision-making structures behind discourse-making in Japan, with the partial exception of textbook politics.

Yet, this new initiative may suffer from elephantiasis and possibly politicization, since Japan already enjoyed massive firepower through pre-existing private Japanese foundations and governmental organs devoted to public diplomacy.

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  5. For instance, London already hosted a small Japan Foundation office, and the successful and rich Daiwa Anglo-Japanese and Great Britain Sasakawa Foundations; the latter two institutions were all generous supporters of a variety of research projects and activities related to Japan and Asia in and outside academia. The key difference was that the new mega-institutions would have likely followed a centralized government-centered political agenda that risked excessive politicization. Only two years earlier, MOFA officials were quietly sabotaging revisionist policymakers visiting Washington by asking key U.

    Politics were clearly in command. Firstly, the activities of major international, especially U. Both initiatives aimed at countering the alarming decrease in international interest for Japan, compared with international interest for China and, to a lesser extent, South Korea. Finally, governmental efforts also aimed directly at the message.

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    Politics were also in command of this scholarly initiative. According to MOFA leaks to the conservative Sankei Shinbun, the Japanese PR machine was inadequate compared to its neighboring rival, since propaganda there rested on a rare synergy between the state-run media, academics and experts within the Chinese Communist Party apparatus. In future it will be infused with a considerable amount of public funding to boost its programming in An increased Japanese media presence was necessary.

    Finally, a moment needs to be spent on educational efforts. For these reasons, the Abe administration spent energy and resources on strengthening domestic resolve, a factor seen as equally important as other hard capabilities. It did so also by making full use of new institutional leverage for idiosyncratic policies. Thus, for instance, with regard to messages tailored at domestic audiences, in March the Japanese government established a new five-year Basic Plan of Ocean Policy through a Cabinet decision. Through share cross-ownership each of the biggest newspapers is affiliated with a particular broadcasting channel and, although direct control is prevented due to domestic regulations, there are strong financial, personnel and news reporting ties between the five national newspapers and their national broadcast stations, all based in Tokyo.

    As noted already by Suzuki Shogo, major newspapers from opposing political spectrums have coalesced in denouncing an aggressive and autocratic China that acts in disrespect of international norms. These admissions invited fierce criticism not only from its competitors but also from the Chief Cabinet Secretary and the Prime Minister.

    Perhaps in response to the afore-mentioned market difficulties, evidence shows that the news media had closely reflected the broader structural trends of Sino-Japanese confrontation. Articles detrimental to China are extensive and given high visibility. Thus, for instance, under the Abe administration governmental agencies have devoted a larger chunk of resources to publicity via social media and official internet websites, thus allowing them to directly reach their intended audience. Was the conservative Abe government, then, merely reflecting wider popular and media refrains on China?

    In my view, the Japanese government was acting in tandem with popular anxieties, but often had the upper hand in framing the public discourse. An LDP lawmaker provides evidence of this mechanism with reference to scoops about the new Cabinet team, during the September reshuffle. Access is usually limited to journalists from major local media organizations.

    Critics contend that Japanese press clubs differ from the few Western equivalents because of the greater proximity reporters enjoy with their sources and the consequent higher reliance on the same.

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